Lohani caste in bihar

What does the new Bihar assembly look like? In this article, we look at the representational outcomes of the Bihar election in terms of demographics caste, gender and religion and other variables, drawn from the affidavits that each candidate signed when they filed for their nomination.

The demographic data has been collected before and during the campaign by a team of researchers at the Trivedi Centre for Political Data. The affidavit data has been processed from the data made available by the Association for Democratic Reforms. Except for perhaps the Congress, all the other parties can find some reason to be satisfied with the result.

Our data reveals that Scheduled Caste representation is fixed at These numbers reflect quite closely the distribution of major caste groups among the candidates of these parties. Representational outcomes are primarily the product of the selection operated by parties when they recruit their candidates, rather than by voters. The BJP gave 52 tickets to upper caste candidates out ofagainst 39 tickets to Other Backward Classes candidates, 15 tickets to Scheduled Caste candidates, one Scheduled Tribes and no tickets given to Muslims the caste identity of three BJP candidates could not be ascertained.

Scheduled Caste and Muslim candidates received nearly the same number of tickets 19 and The caste of 14 Rashtriya Janata Dal candidates could not be ascertained. We assume that most of them must belong to the OBCs but we cannot be certain.

The caste identity of three party MLAs could not be ascertained. The distribution of tickets and seats by party therefore shows that both Congress and the BJP predominantly cater to upper castes representation, while the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Janata Dal United mainly favour OBC representation.

In other words, these charts also show that some expected alignments between parties and caste groups persist but that there also a broad distribution of representation within parties that do distribute tickets across castes. Obviously, one should look beyond these large caste clusters and consider jatis as a more relevant unit of observation.

There again, we can find the expected alignments between specific castes within these groups and parties, and also some nuance. For instance, the BJP distributed Banias, who are considered as OBCs in Bihar, also find substantial representation compared to their demographic weight 9. The rest of the tickets distributed to OBC candidates is split in half between Yadav This can yield dividends when the electorate is as fragmented as it is in Bihar, but can also backfire when the votes that make a difference in closely contested races, come from groups that are not aligned with any specific party, or who do not enjoy the kind of local dominance that attracts the interest of parties.

Courting local elites may come at the cost of broadening support among non-elite groups. The outcome is that, regardless of the volatility of these elections, the longitudinal trends of caste-based representations have not dramatically changed. A timeline of the data shows how these results fall within larger stable representational trends, as the share of seats occupied by major caste groups has not varied significantly since the mids, which followed a decade of deep social and political churning in Bihar.Amid the dirty opportunism of caste and community, Bihar is set to conduct its assembly elections in three phases on October 19, 28, and November 7, this year.

Apart from the dynamic power play in the state, these elections will also be monumental as these would be the first of their kind taking place during the upsurge of the Coronavirus pandemic. Although Bihar has a history of low voter-turnouts, over 7.

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To understand politics in Bihar vis-a-vis caste and dynasty, it is arguably pivotal to look at the history of Bihar politics over the changing years. The aftermath witnessed a rise in the popularity of regional political parties and leaders. The BJP had witnessed an overwhelming surge in its popularity across the nation for the very first time in history. This win also influenced the assembly elections by putting the regional parties in a spot.

And they did so when the calculated caste-card played by united Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav brought them victory that year. Both parties fueled the development of each other. Infographics: the timeless design trend of 21st century. Indian Politicians with the Best Educational Qualifications. The alliance was, however, short-lived as what came next was an even bigger scandal.

lohani caste in bihar

Despite the glorious victory, holds a broader scope of possibilities with the focus on the future of Nitish Kumar. With Lalu Yadav behind bars, Tajasvi Yadav remains a lone ranger while Congress is already on the brink of a collapse. Last week, Modi launched several developmental projects in Bihar. From petroleum projects worth INR 9, crores to new airports and AIIMS, the centre and the state government rolled out a golden blueprint for the state.

The good work done in the last 15 years must continue. In the last 15 years, Bihar has shown that development is accessible and happens with the right government, decisions, and policies. The relationship between a voter, party, and leader in India, especially in the Bihar model, relies on the complex multi-layered society where caste and community play a pivotal role.

Like any other elections, the Bihar assembly leaders are painting a golden portrait of the state, which in reality, is a far cry. Despite having a stable government for over three decades, not much has changed in Bihar.

It still ranks low on various social parameters such as public health care, education, literacy, and gender equality while also recording a low per capita state domestic product. Odisha: Civil Supply Officer held as Rs 2. How to download Aadhaar card with face recognition.

Live-in Relationships — Modern world Taboos. Kedarkantha: Your next winter destination. Trends in the History of Bihar Politics To understand politics in Bihar vis-a-vis caste and dynasty, it is arguably pivotal to look at the history of Bihar politics over the changing years.

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lohani caste in bihar

Also Read. You Might Also Like.Ashwini kumar ko khud apne itihash ki jankari hi nahi ye kya kisi sena ke bare me batayega. Account Options Sign in. Try the new Google Books. Check out the new look and enjoy easier access to your favorite features.

Try it now. No thanks. Get print book. Shop for Books on Google Play Browse the world's largest eBookstore and start reading today on the web, tablet, phone, or ereader.

Ashwani Kumar. Anthem Press- History - pages. This book dissects the politicization of caste massacres and provides a provocative portrayal of the private caste armies operant in so-called 'barbaric-Bihar'. Mediating between predatory politicians and radical Maoists, Kumar argues that these caste armies act as both a surrogate arm of the state and a violent defender of their community's self-perceived purity.

His focus on vicious agrarian conflicts and the increasing powerlessness to deal with these conflicts challenges transcendental notions of the state's autonomy and the legitimacy.

Community Warriors is anchored in historically and politically constructed notions of identity, power and ethnic allegiance. The book's lucid narrative style facilitates a seamless passage through the sociocultural history of post-independence Bihar and unravels the disturbing aspects of the march of democracy in this much feared and also promising 'heart of India'.

Kumar addresses the issues of the process of democratization, ethnic conflict, state power, social movements, Dalit politics and peasant unrest, providing a key to understanding contemporary India. User Review - Flag as inappropriate Ashwini kumar ko khud apne itihash ki jankari hi nahi ye kya kisi sena ke bare me batayega. Selected pages Title Page. Table of Contents.

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Contents AcknowledgemenLs. Other editions - View all Community Warriors Limited preview - Bibliographic information. Community Warriors : State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar Ashwani Kumar Anthem Press- History - pages 1 Review This book dissects the politicization of caste massacres and provides a provocative portrayal of the private caste armies operant in so-called 'barbaric-Bihar'. Community Warriors Limited preview - They were a mostly pastoral and migratory tribe but nowadays most of them have settled down in the plains of DI Khan, Tank and Lakki Marwat.

lohani caste in bihar

The Tatoor tribe was crushed by Nadir shah and Daulat khel Nawab of Tank who brought them near to extinction. Lohanis are descendants of a person by name of Nuhan who was son of Ismael, son of Siarnaey, son of Ibrahim alias Lodi.

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Nuhan got mispronounced as Luhan and his descendants are called Nuhwanraey or Lowanraey in Pashto which changed into Nuhani and Lohani in India respectively. Though Lohanis did engage in trade like other Pashtun tribes of the region, they were not restrictively merchant class like Hindu Lohanas and mostly engaged in military careers.

Also unlike Lohanas, Nuhanis have extensive tribal branching, with a lineage tree culminating on a common ancestor. They show their kinship with other lodi tribes and Ghilzais. In Pashtun genealogy, they are in the category of Beittani tribes. There is no historical evidence which suggest that they migrated from Sindh. Lohanis, like other Lodi tribes, were originally inhabitants of Ghor.

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From Ghor they descended into Ghazniand engaged in pastoral pursuits. Due to conflict with neighboring Ghilzaisthey migrated to Katawaz and from there they moved to the plains of Daman in the 16th century. A big portion of the tribe migrated to India on invitation of Lodi Sultans of Delhi where they became the most prominent participants in the sultanate administration and army.

During Ibrahim Lodi's reign, the Lohanis of south Bihar rebelled and carved out an independent kingdom for themselves which was later incorporated into Suri empire. In their homeland, conflict arose between Lohani clans over distribution of land and revenue of Daman tract and after some battles, the Marwat and Miya Khel clans of Lohani migrated from Daman to Lakki and DI Khan tracts respectively.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Not to be confused with Lohana. For other uses, see Lohani disambiguation. III, p Pashtun tribes. Ismailkhel Ludin Sakzai. Categories : Bettani Pashtun tribes Pashto-language surnames Pakistani names.It occurred hours before Railway Board chairperson Ashwani Lohani was to tour the division for the first time.

They added the driver, identified as Ashok Paswan, started driving his pickup van on the track towards Lalgarh after entering through an unmanned railway crossing at Panjari village.

Rail traffic inspector Arvind Kumar Sinha said the driver of a passenger train on the opposite line noticed the stuck vehicle and alerted the station master of Rajhara station Suman Baitha asking him to stop the movement of trains on the route.

The movement of trains on the route was stopped for over five hours as railway officials removed the vehicle from the track. Senior railway officials said the names of the employees, who acted swiftly and averted an imminent accident, will be recommended to divisional railway manager and the zonal general manager for rewards.

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He was booked on charges of deliberately trying to hit the train and endangering the safety of passengers. Sign in Hi, Sign out. People walk on railway tracks on the Harbour line route in Mumbai. Enter your email to get our daily newsletter in your inbox Subscribe Now.

Get our daily newsletter in your inbox Subscribe. Thank you for subscribing to our daily newsletter. CBI judge Surendra Kumar Yadav, while ordering the acquittal last year, cited a lack of evidence and added the probe agency could not prove the authenticity of the audio and video evidence submitted. Until January 19, the closure had lasted days. Nupi Keithel hosted 3, license holding vendors. Representative image india news. The farmer bodies are seeking repeal of the three farm bills.

PTI file photo india news. By Chetan ChauhanNew Delhi. Several RTI applications have been filed with the agriculture ministry and Niti Aayog since November 27, when farmers from Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh started their protests against the three farm bills. A statement put out by the unions said a full general body meeting of the Samyukt Kisan Morcha was held on Thursday.

PTI Photo india news. By Zia HaqNew Delhi. In the 10th round of negotiations with a member delegation representing farm unions on Wednesday, the Union government offered to suspend the three pieces of legislation in its most far-reaching proposal yet. Officials credited the improvement to changes in the Co-WIN application that now allows vaccinators to administer shots to walk-in health care workers if those scheduled did not turn up.

By Rhythma KaulNew Delhi. These soldiers are part of a reserve division whose elements can be swiftly marshalled to support front-line troops guarding the Line of Actual Control LAC with China to deal with any contingency in the sensitive sector, the people said.

By Rahul Singh. On January 12, army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane said the army was in the process of reducing its footprint in the Northeast to sharpen its focus on external threats. The web series Mirzapur was launched in by Excel Entertainment and due to its successful run, the second edition of the web series was launched in October The petition demanded an immediate ban on further screening of the web series and sought directions from the Union Ministry of Information and Broadcasting to set up a pre-screening committee for censoring content of similar web series, movies or other programmes release on OTT platforms.

Covid vaccines being unloaded from a flight at the Dehradun airport. By HT Correspondent. Uttarakhand at present has over 92, doses of Covishield vaccine, after a second consignment was received by the state on Wednesday afternoon. The state received the first consignment of 1. He applauded the state government and CM Yogi Adityanath for providing momentum to development work amid the Covid pandemic.

PTI india news. By Pramod Giri. Anit Thapa refuted the portal's claim and claimed it was a conspiracy. HT Image india news. Bengaluru: Hours after he shuffled his cabinet to allocate portfolios to newly inducted ministers, Karnataka chief minister BS Yediyurappa faced a backlash on Thursday from both the old guard and the new entrants, leaving the year-old seemingly isolated.The resources and powers of the States are not marshalled for the broader progress of the State but for its supporters to squeeze out and utilize.

The three characteristics of such a State as per Fukuyama is personalism or the cult of the leader, the use of state resources to cultivate political support and underlying weakness of the State itself. Clientelism as a whole exists in all political dispensations, but this unique combination of personalism and weakness combined with explicit clientelism is the focus in Neopatrimonialism.

This is not the case broadly in India which despite having some features of clientelism, does not broadly devolve into such relationships. Considering the size and diversity of India, it is quite clear that such a term cannot be applied at the Union level. However, can a specific case be made out for the existence of such relationships in states such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, where certain caste-community based political parties have ruled?

Similar caste-based or identity politics is present in all states as is common knowledge. Both political parties were ostensibly socialist but its primary focus and ground was the assertion of numerically dominant Yadavs and other OBCs in the gangetic plains. These parties also drew support from landholding communities that wished to secure their assets. All three parties also drew substantial support from the Muslim community whose interests were however contradictory to those of the primary voter based of these parties.

The reasons for the coalescence of the Muslim-Yadav base would go beyond the scope of this analysis, however. In Uttar Pradesh, under the leadership of Mulayam Singh Yadav and his son Akhilesh Yadav who both served as Chief Minister of the state, administrative promotions and postings favoured the members of the Yadav community.

Criminals from the Yadav community were also allowed to go scot free. The situation in Bihar was much worse with the members of the Yadav community taking their wherewithal to an unprecedented level. The BSP, founded by Kanshi Ram and led by Mayawati, too similarly attempted to utilize public resources for the Dalit community which was its primary voter base.

Focusing rather on welfare programmes and deprioritizing education, health and infrastructure. Most extraordinarily the creation of statues of herself and of the party symbol, the elephant was erected at the cost of the state exchequer. To an outside observer like me, the perception of such a personalism is stronger with Lalu and Mayawati.

The second characteristic is evidently true, especially for the Yadav regimes. It should be noted that populism — which broadly represents the concerns of a broad majority in a democracy.

Rather, these benefits are meant to specifically be distributed only among those favoured by the rulers: i. While analysing this it seems that the voters of both Bihar and UP have rejected to varying degrees this clientistic relationship. To analyse why would be impractical here, but it indicates that the Bihari and UPite would prefer a much more stable relation with the state.

This is not the case in Africa, where it is arguably seen as a tactic for survival by the masses. Moreover, the fairness and possibilities of elections in such nations are vastly different from that of India.

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The term has been applied to countries such as Uzbekistanwhere a similar clientistic relationship has been observed. Arguably, such networks are progressively weakened by its excesses which push the majority to vote the ruling dispensation out.

This form of patronage reminds me of the appointment of many in Public Sector Units in Kerala, as well as broadly government appointments at various levels.Bihari people can be separated into three main Indo-Aryan ethnolinguistic groupsBhojpurisMaithils and Magadhis.

Biharis can be found throughout India, and in the neighbouring countries of NepalPakistan and Bangladesh. Bihar is one of the longest inhabited places in the world with a history going back to the Neolithic age. Biharis were the founders of many great empires based out of Magadh including the Maurya Empire and the Gupta Empire. Two of India's major religions also have their origins in Bihar.

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Mahavirathe founder of Jainismwas born in Vaishali in North Bihar. Many academics including Dirk Kolff and Walter Hauser have noted that Bihar has a history of armed activism among its peasantry. Mughal sources also record that many peasant soldiers were recruited from Northern parts of Bihar Tirhut.

Then they decided to recruit troops from Sikh and Muslim Communities of the Punjab. Servan-Schreiber described this martial tradition as follows: [17]. For any traveler on the roads of Bihar, an inescapable image comes to mind. That of a peasant who always keeps his wooden club or lathi at hand, under no circumstances letting it out of his reach.

The Biharis, who constitute a martial race in India similar to the Sikhs or the Pathans, in keeping with the role conceived by the British colonial administration, were a mother lode for Monghol and English army recruiters.

Their independent fighting spirit, which has earned them a reputation for toughness, has been in evidence throughout their history. The traditional dress of Bihari people includes the dhoti - mirjai a modified form of the flowing jama [18] or the kurta replacing the older outfit of the dhoti and chapkan which is a robe fastened on the right [19] for men and Saree for women. In everyday life women wear saree or Kameez - Salwar.

The saree is worn in "Seedha Aanchal" style traditionally. Jewellery such as rings for men and bangles for women are popular. However, there are some traditional Bihari jewelries like "Chhara", "Hansuli", "Kamarbandh", etc.

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Hindi is the official language of the State. Unrecognised languages of the state are Bhojpuri 60 millionAngika 30 million and Magahi 20 million. The number of speakers of the Bihari languages is difficult to count because of unreliable sources. In the urban region, most educated speakers of the language name Hindi as their language because this is what they use in formal contexts and believe it to be the appropriate response because of unawareness.

The uneducated and the rural population of the region regards Hindi as the generic name for their language.

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